Recently, the ruling party in Jharkhand, known as the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, made the decision to make public the fact that it received a donation of Rs 1 crore in the form of an electoral bond from the aluminum manufacturing company Hindalco. In recent years, electoral bonds have come to be regarded as a potential replacement for donations of cash. However, political parties are not required to disclose the names of their contributors. Recently, in a move that caught many people off guard, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, the party in power in Jharkhand, decided to make public the fact that aluminum circles had received a donation of one crore rupees in the form of an electoral bond from the aluminum manufacturing company Hindalco.

After taking this action, the wheel has completed one complete rotation

1.  Because of this, the JMM was the organization that was accused of accepting bribes in 1993 in order to save the government of P

2.  V

3.  Narasimha Rao

4.  This is just one example of the many paradoxes that can be found in Indian politics

The well-known "JMM case," which dragged on for years, had consequences that reached far and wide. In order to cobble together a majority, the former prime minister, P V Narasimha Rao, had paid bribes to JMM and other MPs as part of this scheme. The results of the elections in 1991 produced a Parliament that was divided down the middle, with the Congress emerging as the party with the most votes. The subsequent formation of the government was accomplished by Narasimha Rao, who received support from regional parties.

Up until 1993, he was doing an excellent job of managing the minority government that he headed. Midway through 1993, the allure of acquiring a majority became irresistible, and the Congress recruited "experts in realpolitik" to devise a strategy to defeat the Janata Dal, which was led by Ajit Singh, as well as the Janata Marxist Movement. The JMM scandal deprived Narasimha Rao of his position as legitimate leader.

Rao's friends had told him that he did a better job of managing support from regional chieftains and even the Left leaders when he was in charge of a ministry that represented a minority rather than when he was in charge of a government that had a majority. But the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December 1992 had shaken him to his core, and more of his colleagues within the Congress, such as Arjun Singh, were ready to cut him than opposition leaders were.

A PIL has been lodged against a number of individuals, including Rao and JMM MPs. Both Narasimha Rao and Buta Singh were found guilty by the trial court and sentenced to three years of solitary confinement. In 2002, they were given a clean bill of health by the High Court in Delhi. Even though there was pressure from within the BJP, led by the "Hawala" charged L K Advani, to move against Rao, the CBI did not go in appeal against the acquittal. However, because Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was serving as prime minister at the time, held respect for Rao, he chose not to file an appeal.

The case had a significant effect on the JMM Members of Parliament as well. They became mired in a situation that they had anticipated would be uncomplicated, but it turned out to be anything but that. They then cheerfully proceeded to the Nauroji Nagar branch of the Punjab National Bank in Delhi in order to deposit the money that had been given to them into their respective bank accounts.

Later on, one of the four JMM MPs who had voted to save Rao, Shailendra Mahto, disobeyed the orders of his three other colleagues, Shibu Soren, Suraj Mandal, and Simon Marandi, and went against the party line. He admitted that they had received money from the Congress, as stated in the previous sentence. The BJP had been successful in swaying his opinion.

It was revealed by Mahto that Buta Singh had brought all four of them to meet with Rao two days prior to the motion of confidence. And Rao had assuaged their concerns by assuring them that he would look into all of the issues concerning the Jharkhand Council that were making them anxious. He urged them to vote for him as the best candidate.

The judge declared that the members of parliament were immune from prosecution. The court decided that because they were members of parliament and thus public servants, they were immune from prosecution under the Prevention of Corruption Act. This writer recalls that some JMM members climbed up on a table in the Central Hall of Parliament and held forth, much to the embarrassment of those who were present at the time. They were suspected of being "high" at the time because this occurred not long after the vote of no confidence.

They ultimately confessed in front of the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal that they were in possession of the cash in question. They explained that the money was not intended as a bribe, but rather was money that had been "voluntarily" given to them by Congress for the "welfare of their party" and their state. And in the name of the "national interest," they voted to keep the Rao government in power.